Facebook and Twitter are not a game

Facebook is not a game. It is a means of communication that transcends borders, but does not supplant national or international legality concerning civil liberties and rights of association and expression. Choosing such means to spread one's message, is and will be useful and effective, if the message stands by certain principles and rules of law.

Before Facebook and Twitter and other forms of social media communications, there was radio, which revolutionised the methods of communication with the masses and, later on, there was television and live images which attracted the public's interest. Due to the circumstances of that period of time, these media were mainly used as propaganda tools, in order to influence populations by governments as well as organisations with technical and financial capabilities. Today, thanks to the great media revolution, the power of individual communication may be via mobile, SMS and other networking technologies, including audio-visual messaging, almost at no cost. All one needs is a computer or a smartphone in order to integrate into a globalised world where they can broadcast and share their message, create one's own group or even a movement.

It is premature to judge this situation one way or another, but obviously it raises very serious questions about the future of the classical democratic rules, which have prevailed so far. The most striking is the fact that we ignore the authority to which these social networks respond to, their "editorial line" and especially how to override some individual or collective rights in the case of manipulation or injures. Existing international laws seems to obviously have been overtaken by the new technologies; national laws even more so.

In Spain, we still recall the impact of the famous "pass it on" sms. Moreover, the sympathy towards the Rose revolution in Georgia, was cheered by Western television. Likewise, the Orange movement in the Ukraine benefited from the same media coverage. The freedom and power of the people were always the slogans for these protests and sometimes riots that were, more or less, spontaneous. Years later, things seem to not have changed substantially for those people who rebelled against a given situation. I do not intend with this to remove any legitimacy from the popular upheavals, quite the contrary, but yes, I do point to the risk of diversion from legitimate popular sentiments by a system that does not hesitate to dress up and adapt in order to maintain power, regardless of the circumstances.

Lately, we have witnessed the revolution of Jasmine in Tunisia. Currently, attention is captured by the "Facebook generation" movement in Egypt, that does note quite succeed and it runs the risk of unpredictable international repercussions. These movements and others deserve respect and consideration but we cannot abstain from making analogies with previous movements that eventually returned to the same prevailing unjust system that suffers from the same type of Western influence: A wild ultra-liberal economic system, which hogs the workforce, creativity and progress for the benefit of mercantilist and opportunistic minority, usually very close to political power.

I still believe in a liberalism that provides the same opportunities to all and were the state may still have social and regulatory functions. But in no way can I accept that liberalism, an essential companion to democracy, becomes a tool to scam working people who are the sole producers of wealth.

It is time that new technologies serve to raise awareness among people. Now, we can use the same means as the manipulators to immunize against political and strategic scams of the dominant powers. If we are facing a conspiracy of speculators and leeches who have no feelings or consciousness, Facebook and Twitter may also serve the cause of the disadvantaged.

Today, it seems that the West stands, with reason, for the freedom of these new mass media and social networking technologies. Let's see if in the near future they will continue with the same determination when the rebellion against an unjust global system and mass impoverishment appears in the Western world. In the meantime, the southern Mediterranean shore, widely supports all and any means of communication and expression.

Abdeslam Baraka

5th February 2011

Translated by Abderrahim Loh

Tunisian analogies

Free Tunisian voices, do not clash with the international outcry against neo-liberal drift, which is based on an unfair mercantilist globalisation. One should not, therefore, speculate on the theory of the dominoes in the Arab world, because we are dealing with something deeper, complex and global.

Beyond the nature of the overthrown regime in Tunis, which is for the Tunisian society to judge, the question that remains is that of a neo-liberal system based on commercialism and patronage. A system, which is not really liberal and which is capable of displaying rates of human development and economic performance, which can seduce and confuse the most rigorous of experts from international financial institutions.

For decades, the Republic of Tunisia, has been listed in the Top Ten human development indicators from UNDP, for the Arab world. The average growth rate is between 3 and 4% and the success of the tourism industry as well as education is unquestionable.

It is obvious that the lack of freedoms, human dignity and democratic choices are not among the criteria for those who usually go around handing out left and right notes of good behaviour. The final curiosity of this kind is Moody's Ratings which, in record time, decided to downgrade the sovereign rating of Tunisia immediately after its president was deposed. Awaiting the "sentences" of Standards and Poor's, Fitch and others, it appears that these "mediums" of finance, know more about punishing popular aspirations than about the prevention of economic and financial crises.

It is surprising to achieve a better rating, when an economic system prospers based on monopoly of business, corruption and shady tenders, a system in which the businessman is Master and always richer, with a tendency to ostentation and show of power and which leaves the outsider doomed to remain poor and excluded.

But what is more dramatic is when governments eager for external ratings continue to publish statistics and patterns, convinced that they are achieving their objectives of growth and poverty reduction while the harsh reality of the people shows the opposite .

The Tunisian system was a faithful follower of Western standards of economic governance that, without doubt, was to benefit both parties. But unlike the countries of the south, as in the case of Europe, for example, where people were guaranteed, at least so far, a sufficient social security coverage that, in general, made them safe from insecurity and exclusion.

This is without taking into consideration the effects of the financial crisis and the International Monetary Fund assistance, that despite the ineffectiveness of its potions, proven in many third world countries, remains committed to prescribe smaller government formulas, balanced budgets at all costs and cuts in social spending, in this case to the northern Mediterranean countries.

What draws our attention is the fact that U.S. economic policy, does not prescribe to this formula. In contrast, the Obama administration, has increased its social health coverage, lowered its interest rates and increased its public spending in order to stimulate the economy and create employment. The result is that Americans are gradually regaining their vitality and welfare state, when European countries are still under the turmoil of the Euro and the "social reforms", despite the good results achieved in Germany.

It's time for the financial gurus to remember that you cannot put into a mathematical equation something as sensitive and unique as a human being. In that sense the geographical location is not a serious argument, but the sense of dignity and justice is.

Therefore, free Tunisian voices do not clash with the international outcry against neo-liberal drift, which is based on an unfair mercantilist globalisation. It is, therefore, not about speculation on the theory of the dominoes in the Arab world, because we are dealing with something deeper, more complex and global. Rather, it would be the creation of a new, just and humane world order, which may have started at the edge of the Mediterranean.

May God protect the Tunisian people and guide their steps.

Abdeslam Baraka

25- 01- 2011

Translated by Abderrahim Loh

Analogías tunecinas

Las voces tunecinas libres no desentonan con el clamor internacional en contra de la deriva neo-liberal, que se apoya en una globalización mercantilista injusta. No se trata pues de elucubrar sobre la teoría de los dominós en el mundo Árabe, porque nos encontramos ante algo mas profundo, complejo y global.

Más allá de la naturaleza del régimen derrocado en Túnez, que corresponde a la sociedad tunecina juzgar con conocimiento de causa, la cuestión que queda en tela de juicio es la de un cierto sistema neo-liberal basado en el mercantilismo y el clientelismo. Un sistema, que no es realmente liberal, y que es capaz de exhibir porcentajes de desarrollo humano y de rendimiento económico, que pueden seducir y confundir al mas riguroso de los expertos de las instituciones financieras internacionales.

Desde hace décadas, la República tunecina, figura en el Top ten de los indicadores de desarrollo humano del PNUD, en el ámbito del mundo Árabe. El promedio de su tasa de crecimiento se sitúa entre un 3 y 4%  y el éxito del sector turístico y de educación es incuestionable.

Es obvio que la falta de libertades, de respeto a la dignidad humana y de opciones democráticas no figuran entre los criterios de aquellos que acostumbran a repartir notas de buena conducta, a lo largo y ancho de la geografía,. La última curiosidad de este género la que acaba de protagonizar la agencia Moody's que, en un tiempo record, decidió rebajar la nota soberana de Túnez, con ocasión del proceso político en curso. En espera de las "sentencias" de Standards and Poor's, Fitch y otros, todo indica que estos "pitonisos" de las finanzas, saben más de castigos a las aspiraciones populares que de prevención de las crisis económicas y financieras. 

Resulta sorprendente que se note mejor cuando prospera un sistema económico basado en el monopolio de los negocios, corrupción y sombrías licitaciones; un sistema en el que el businessman se hace señorito y más rico, con tendencia a la ostentación y gala de poderío y en el que el marginado se ve condenado a seguir siendo pobre y excluido. 

Pero lo mas dramático se da cuando los gobiernos ansiosos de notaciones externas, siguen publicando estadísticas y esquemas, convencidos de estar alcanzando sus objetivos de crecimiento y lucha contra la pobreza, en el momento en que la cruda realidad de los pueblos demuestra todo lo contrario. 

El sistema tunecino fue un fiel seguidor de los estándares occidentales a nivel de gobernanza económica que, sin duda, ha sido en beneficio de las dos partes. Pero a diferencia de los países del sur, en el caso de Europa, por ejemplo, se garantizaba a los pueblos, al menos hasta ahora, una cobertura social suficiente que, en general, los ponía a salvo de la precariedad y de la exclusión.

Pero era sin contar con los efectos de la crisis financiera y de la intervención del Fondo monetario internacional que, a pesar de la ineficacia de sus pociones, probada en no pocos países del tercer mundo, sigue empeñado en recetar las mismas fórmulas de menos Estado, de equilibrio presupuestario a toda costa y de recortes sociales; en este caso a los países del norte de Mediterráneo.

Llama la atención el hecho de que la política económica de EE.UU no se inscriba en esta orientación. Al contrario, la administración Obama, refuerza su sistema de cobertura social sanitaria, abarata los créditos e incrementa la inversión pública en vistas a crear empleo. El resultado es que los americanos están recobrando paulatinamente su vitalidad y estado de bienestar, cuando los países europeos siguen bajo las turbulencias del Euro y de las "reformas sociales", a pesar del buen resultado germano.

Es hora para los gurús de las finanzas de recordar que no se puede poner en ecuación matemática a un ser tan sensible y peculiar como el ser humano. En ese sentido la situación geográfica no constituye un argumento serio, pero sí lo es el sentimiento de dignidad y de justicia.

Por todo ello, las voces tunecinas libres no desentonan con el clamor internacional en contra de la deriva neo-liberal, que se apoya en una globalización mercantilista injusta. No se trata pues de elucubrar sobre la teoría de los dominós en el mundo Árabe, porque nos encontramos ante algo mas profundo, complejo y global. Más bien se trataría de la gestación de un nuevo orden mundial justo y humano, que podría haber empezado a la orilla del Mediterráneo.

Que Dios proteja al Pueblo tunecino hermano y que guíe sus pasos.

Abdeslam Baraka

Rabat 21 de enero 2011

Sonnet de crise

Peuples trahis et outragés
Mais banques enfin soulagées
Triste bilan de certains gouvernants
Dont le seul serment ne tient pas le vent.

Au jeu de bourse les voilà piégées
Mais qu'importe, si même assiégées
Elles peuvent compter, en son temps,
Sur de fidèles représentants

Revenons donc à nos esprits,
La politique renie et fait fi
Des promesses faites aux gens.

Rendons hommage, mes amis
Aux indignés, qui aujourd'hui,
Dénoncent tant de maux errants.

Abdeslam baraka
8 Janvier 2011

Cesta de recuerdos

De Tarik a Isabel
van lustros de memoria
Que como la Torre de Babel
Tienen una sola historia.

De los que narran y trovan son muchos
Los que conjuran el destino,
Incluyendo chascos y cuentos truchos
y errando el buen camino.

De un proyecto de imperio
Que tantos hubo antaño
Nos quedamos con el agravio
De saber quien hizo daño.

¿Que culpa tendrá el mestizaje
De haber podido entrever
La fecundidad del anclaje
Entre tres culturas de Saber?

Los que vivieron esos viejos tiempos
Seguro que no comprenderán
Que seamos tan fieros y hambrientos
De venganza y furioso ademán.

Ellos compartían una tierra
Con Mezquitas, Sinagogas e iglesias.
No se envolvían en la guerra
Sino por señoríos y famas necias.

Cuantas cunas de amor vieron nacer
Los hijos del libro de Dios
Que ofrecían un tierno renacer
A un nuevo pueblo sin voz.

Triste de nosotros que no supimos
Sacar de la cesta de recuerdos
Mas que los pobres y pésimos mimos
De guerras entre Moros y Cristianos

Abdeslam Baraka
Rabat el 4 de enero 2011